Let's 'Surge' Some More
There are a few in the media who not only know we are winning in Iraq but are willing to report it..but very few. This writer was there.
It makes you wonder why more deployed journalists cannot write POSITIVE stories. Some say it is because most correspondents "in country" simply pay an interpreter to go out and get a story for them, which they "interpret" and file. From poll reports, they know the stories which sell best are those which describe how Americans are coming up on the short end of their mission. Sounds symptomatic of a negative mentality which is increasingly corrosive to public morale. It is fortunate the leadership of our US Military can inspire our troops better than the media can discourage them.
Remember as I commented earlier...less than 1% of the American population is involved in defending the other 99%. I submit the biggest failure of this war to date is that more Americans have not been involved in making sacrifices while it is still raging.
An easy way to correct that would be for the US Government to establish an alternative fuels policy and increase the Federal tax on consumer gasoline approx $.15-$.20 per month for a year...or more. The result would be (1) a decrease in gasoline demand in the US, (2) less cash flow to our Arab and Venezuelan antagonists, (3) a speedier transition to biofuels, (4) focus on non-edible biofuel plants to prevent foreshortened food production (e.g. corn in the US and wheat in UK), and (5) an increasing incentive for the public to demand more energy-efficient cars/homes/public transportation.
The world economy has changed forever. We will not see cheap energy again because...worldwide demand no longer is dependent upon America's addiction to oil; that demand is now increasing faster than ever because of the new prosperity in China and India. Hold on; it will be a rough ride for the foreseeable future no matter what we do (or not do), or whom we elect.
/s/ LeRoy Collins, Jr.
Let's 'Surge' Some More
By MICHAEL YON
April 11, 2008
It is said that generals always fight the last war. But when David Petraeus came to town it was senators - on both sides of the aisle - who battled over the Iraq war of 2004-2006. That war has little in common with the war we are fighting today.
I may well have spent more time embedded with combat units in Iraq than any other journalist alive. I have seen this war - and our part in it - at its brutal worst. And I say the transformation over the last 14 months is little short of miraculous.
The change goes far beyond the statistical decline in casualties or incidents of violence. A young Iraqi translator, wounded in battle and fearing death, asked an American commander to bury his heart in America. Iraqi special forces units took to the streets to track down terrorists who killed American soldiers. The U.S. military is the most respected institution in Iraq, and many Iraqi boys dream of becoming American soldiers. Yes, young Iraqi boys know about "GoArmy.com."
As the outrages of Abu Ghraib faded in memory - and paled in comparison to al Qaeda's brutalities - and our soldiers under the Petraeus strategy got off their big bases and out of their tanks and deeper into the neighborhoods, American values began to win the war.
Iraqis came to respect American soldiers as warriors who would protect them from terror gangs. But Iraqis also discovered that these great warriors are even happier helping rebuild a clinic, school or a neighborhood. They learned that the American soldier is not only the most dangerous enemy in the world, but one of the best friends a neighborhood can have.
Some people charge that we have merely "rented" the Sunni tribesmen, the former insurgents who now fight by our side. This implies that because we pay these people, their loyalty must be for sale to the highest bidder. But as Gen. Petraeus demonstrated in Nineveh province in 2003 to 2004, many of the Iraqis who filled the ranks of the Sunni insurgency from 2003 into 2007 could have been working with us all along, had we treated them intelligently and respectfully. In Nineveh in 2003, under then Maj. Gen. Petraeus's leadership, these men - many of them veterans of the Iraqi army - played a crucial role in restoring civil order. Yet due to excessive de-Baathification and the administration's attempt to marginalize powerful tribal sheiks in Anbar and other provinces - including men even Saddam dared not ignore - we transformed potential partners into dreaded enemies in less than a year.
Then al Qaeda in Iraq, which helped fund and tried to control the Sunni insurgency for its own ends, raped too many women and boys, cut off too many heads, and brought drugs into too many neighborhoods. By outraging the tribes, it gave birth to the Sunni "awakening." We - and Iraq - got a second chance. Powerful tribes in Anbar province cooperate with us now because they came to see al Qaeda for what it is - and to see Americans for what we truly are.
Soldiers everywhere are paid, and good generals know it is dangerous to mess with a soldier's money. The shoeless heroes who froze at Valley Forge were paid, and when their pay did not come they threatened to leave - and some did. Soldiers have families and will not fight for a nation that allows their families to starve. But to say that the tribes who fight with us are "rented" is perhaps as vile a slander as to say that George Washington's men would have left him if the British offered a better deal.
Equally misguided were some senators' attempts to use Gen. Petraeus's statement, that there could be no purely military solution in Iraq, to dismiss our soldiers' achievements as "merely" military. In a successful counterinsurgency it is impossible to separate military and political success. The Sunni "awakening" was not primarily a military event any more than it was "bribery." It was a political event with enormous military benefits.
The huge drop in roadside bombings is also a political success - because the bombings were political events. It is not possible to bury a tank-busting 1,500-pound bomb in a neighborhood street without the neighbors noticing. Since the military cannot watch every road during every hour of the day (that would be a purely military solution), whether the bomb kills soldiers depends on whether the neighbors warn the soldiers or cover for the terrorists. Once they mostly stood silent; today they tend to pick up their cell phones and call the Americans. Even in big "kinetic" military operations like the taking of Baqubah in June 2007, politics was crucial. Casualties were a fraction of what we expected because, block-by-block, the citizens told our guys where to find the bad guys. I was there; I saw it.
The Iraqi central government is unsatisfactory at best. But the grass-roots political progress of the past year has been extraordinary - and is directly measurable in the drop in casualties.
This leads us to the most out-of-date aspect of the Senate debate: the argument about the pace of troop withdrawals. Precisely because we have made so much political progress in the past year, rather than talking about force reduction, Congress should be figuring ways and means to increase troop levels. For all our successes, we still do not have enough troops. This makes the fight longer and more lethal for the troops who are fighting. To give one example, I just returned this week from Nineveh province, where I have spent probably eight months between 2005 to 2008, and it is clear that we remain stretched very thin from the Syrian border and through Mosul. Vast swaths of Nineveh are patrolled mostly by occasional overflights.
We know now that we can pull off a successful counterinsurgency in Iraq. We know that we are working with an increasingly willing citizenry. But counterinsurgency, like community policing, requires lots of boots on the ground. You can't do it from inside a jet or a tank.
Over the past 15 months, we have proved that we can win this war. We stand now at the moment of truth. Victory - and a democracy in the Arab world - is within our grasp. But it could yet slip away if our leaders remain transfixed by the war we almost lost, rather than focusing on the war we are winning today.
Mr. Yon is author of the just-published "Moment of Truth in Iraq" (Richard Vigilante Books). He has been reporting from Iraq and Afghanistan since December 2004.
/s/ LeRoy Collins, Jr.